International Journal of Research Publication and Reviews, Vol 5, no 12, pp 5616-5620 December 2024
Journal homepage: www.ijrpr.com ISSN 2582-7421
The 21st Century Macbeths in Nigerian Politics
Jan Cyprian Dayop
B.A Theatre and Film Arts, University of Jos, Nigeria.
Introduction
From ambition, evil, assassination, and disorder in Macbeth, Love and hate, youth against age in Romeo and Juliet, Imprisonment and Freedom in The Tempest, Procrastination, Revenge, and Corruption in Hamlet, Sight, and Blindness, the Tortured and The Broken Body in King Lear, Jealousy, and Self- Deception in Othello to Betrayal and Power-play in Julius Caesar, Shakespearean themes have continued to resurface in Nigerian societies unendingly.
Delving into the profound influence of Shakespeare’s time on contemporary societies unveils a dynamic interplay between the past and present. Shakespeare's thematic resonance, linguistic prowess, and timeless characters have cast an enduring shadow over many contemporary societies, Nigeria specifically. The relevance of Shakespearean literature in Nigeria cannot be downplayed.
For instance, Kramsch and Kramsch (2002) strongly believe that Shakespearean literature not only develops one’s reading strategies, it also improves one’s vocabulary and reflects, strongly, one’s society. Buttressing the importance of the works of Shakespeare in the intellectual development of readers, O’Hanlon (2008) says no one can argue the fact that Shakespeare’s language is extraordinary; with its monosyllabic culture and the rich use of pun that challenge one’s intellect.
Shakespeare's linguistic artistry, universal and boundless themes, and archetypal characters continue to serve as templates for the nuanced portrayal of human nature across societies of the world. In essence, the presence of the works of Shakespeare in contemporary Nigerian society; unfolds as unmatched reflections, where Shakespeare's legacy emerges not as a relic of the past, but as a vibrant force impacting, describing, and shaping the narratives of the present and even near future of Nigeria.
According to Danner et al. (2019), “Shakespeare continues to take pride of place in the teaching of classical Literature in English as a second language classroom, (1). Metzger (2002) affirms the place of the plays of William Shakespeare in the overall literacy of students, stating that Shakespeare's plays provide avenues for students to explore ways in which languages and the context in which they are used, help improve students’ literacy immensely.
Aside from Shakespeare’s relevance and dominance in Nigeria’s education system, even far more conspicuously, are Shakespeare’s reverberating messages in Nigerian politics. One would not be out of place, to say that Shakespeare’s muse must have been Nigeria, or better still, Shakespeare wrote with Nigeria in mind. The ultimate questions have always been, what happens when a man is faced with the dagger of ambition? What crosses man’s mind when the sword of power stares at man in the face? Between morality, conscience, and ambition, which is man likely to navigate towards? Can man overcome the urge to be lord over his fellow men? What do men do when they get praised? These and many more are the questions that Macbeth must answer with balance and precision. Shakespeare’s tragic hero Macbeth, a man of virtue, is corrupted by greed, ambition, and power. The 21st century Nigeria has in excess, the likes of Macbeth. In Nigeria, virtuous men have taken over the toga of evil as a result of power, ambition, and greed.
For paying deaf ears to the echoes of his psyche, the rhythm of his conscience, and the melody of his heart, Macbeth came face to face with his tribulations. For failing to heed the advice of many, and pay attention to their consciences, Nigerian politicians have visited their catastrophes.
Having realized the evil inherent in the idea of assassinating King Duncan, Macbeth said “We will proceed no further in this business…” (Act 1, Scene 7, Line 34). However, after a peg from Lady Macbeth, he recanted saying “I am settled and bent up corporal agent to this terrible feat”. Nigeria is possessed of politicians whose words are as empty as empty vessels. On Sundays, they are seen in churches and before prophets, proclaiming the name of the Lord, just to get into offices on Monday and turn their backs against their words. This paper, the 21st Century Macbeths in Nigerian Politics, aptly identifies and locates if not all, the various characteristics and aspects of Shakespeare’s Macbeth in the lives of the 21st century Nigerian politician.
Shakespeare’s Macbeth: Plot Summary
William Shakespeare in his tragic play Macbeth, narrates the story of Norwegians, who are being helped by the Scottish rebels, who invaded Scotland. The Scots fiercely fight in uncompromising defense of their homeland and country and their beloved king Duncan. They indeed successfully achieved victory in the defense. In the fierce battle to defend their country, one of the warrior soldiers stands out as the most distinguishable of them all. And his name is Macbeth. Macbeth, Thane of Glamis distinguishes himself in fighting off the invaders. After the battle, Macbeth and his friend Banquo come
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upon the weird sisters, three witches who prophesy that Macbeth will become ‘Thane of Cawdor’, and one day King. They further prophesy that Banquo's descendants will be kings. The men don't at first believe the witches, but then learn that the old ‘Thane of Cawdor’ was a traitor helping the Norwegians and that Duncan has rewarded Macbeth's bravery on the battlefield by making him Thane of Cawdor. Macbeth immediately fantasizes about murdering Duncan and becoming king, but he instantly rebukes the thoughts in his heart. The same day, Duncan announces that his eldest son, Malcolm will be heir to his throne. As Macbeth begins to succumb to his ambition, Duncan decides to spend the night in celebration at Macbeth's castle of Inverness.
Lady Macbeth receives a letter from her husband about the prophecy of the three witches and King Duncan's imminent arrival. Lady Macbeth recalls that Macbeth’s heart is filled with kindness, hence would not seize the opportunity to murder King Duncan and ascend Duncan’s throne; then vows never to relent in pushing him to do so. Macbeth at first resists his wife's plan, but his ambition and her constant questioning of his courage and manhood win him over. That night they murder Duncan, then pin it on the guards guarding King Duncan's room as scapegoats. The next morning, Macduff, another Scottish thane, discovers Duncan dead and raises the alarm. Macbeth and Lady Macbeth pretend to be shocked and outraged. Macbeth murders the guardsmen of Duncan's room to keep them silent but says he did it out of a furious rage that they killed the king. Duncan's sons think they may be the next target, and flee. Macbeth is made king, and because they ran, Duncan's sons become the prime suspects in their father's murder.
However, because Banquo is aware of the prophetic message of the witches, his belly is filled with suspicion for Macbeth. And because of the prophecy that Banquo's line will reign as king, Macbeth sees Banquo as a threat. Macbeth gives a feast, inviting many thanes, including Banquo. Macbeth hires two assassins to assassinate Banquo and his son as they ride to attend the feast. The men kill Banquo, but Fleance escapes. At the feast, Macbeth sees Banquo's ghost, though no one else does. Macbeth's behavior and the death of Banquo make all the thanes suspicious. They begin to think of Macbeth as a tyrant. Macduff refuses to appear at the royal court at all and goes to England to support Malcolm in his effort to raise an army against Macbeth.
Macbeth visits the three witches to learn more about his fate. They show him three apparitions who tell Macbeth to beware of Macduff, but also that no "man born of woman" can defeat him and that he will rule until Birnam Wood marches to Dunsinane (a castle). Since all men are born of women and trees can't move, Macbeth takes this to mean he's invincible. Yet the witches also confirm the prophecy that Banquo's line will one day rule Scotland. To strengthen his hold on the crown, Macbeth sends men to Macduff's castle to murder Macduff's family. Meanwhile, in England, Macduff and Malcolm prepare to invade Scotland. When news comes to England of the murder of Macduff's family, Macduff, weeping, vows revenge.
While the English and Scottish under Malcolm march toward Dunsinane, Lady Macbeth begins sleepwalking and imagining blood on her hands that can't be washed off. Macbeth has become manic, cruel, and haughty—many of his men desert Malcolm's side. In Birnam Wood, Malcolm and his generals devise a strategy to hide their numbers—they cut branches to hold up in front of them. As Macbeth prepares for the siege, Lady Macbeth dies, perhaps of suicide. Macbeth can barely feel anything anymore, and her death only makes him give a speech about the absurdity of life. Malcolm's forces appear looking like a forest marching toward the castle. Malcolm's forces quickly capture Dunsinane, but Macbeth himself fights on, mocking all who dare to face him as "men born of woman." But Macduff reveals that he was "untimely ripped" from his mother's womb (a cesarean section). Macduff kills Macbeth, and Malcolm is crowned as King of Scotland.
21st Century Macbeths in Nigerian Politics
As a tragic classic laced with unsavory, raw, crude, and brutal ambition, thirst, and insatiable rage for power, an ambition that does not hesitate to eliminate anyone and everything else that stands in its way, leading to spates of assassinations and endless episodes of murder, Shakespeare’s Macbeth is the perfect mirror that depicts without mincing words, the uncontrolled ambition of Nigerian politicians.
Africa and in particular, Nigeria’s political class eliminates anything that serves as an obstacle on his ladder to the throne or seat of power. This ugly thirst can be traceable to history. Nigeria's democracy has been and is still characterized by mindless political killings. There is hardly any election year that a politician is either not gunned down or brutally assassinated. Political assassination is murder (a usually prominent person) by a sudden and or secret attack, often for political reasons. It is usually a planned murder of who occupies or wants to occupy a position of public reckoning (Embu and Sam 2). Additionally, political assassination is the act of deliberately killing someone especially a public figure, for hire or political reasons (Joel, 78). Oladele submitted that, not long after the return of democratic rule in 1999 following fifteen years of uninterrupted military rule, Nigeria witnessed a troubling and massive wave of political assassinations. Political assassination became and is still today, an instrument of settling political scores in Nigeria (235).
History reveals that there have been disturbing accounts of politically motivated killings over the years in different parts of not only Nigeria but Africa at large. Painfully so, African independence, thus far, has been a record of tragedies in which the African leadership has played a delirious part. The leaders have largely contributed to political repression, assassinations, coups, and the pauperization of the masses in Africa (Thomas, 32).
To establish a broader background to this study, there is the need to draw attention to a handful of high-profile political assassinations recorded over the years in some African countries with emphasis on Nigeria as the main focus of this study. According to Embu and Samuel, one of the most talked about political assassinations of the 20th century was the killing of the hero of Congolese independence, Patrice Emerice Lumumba. As the first legally elected minister of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Lumumba was assassinated on January 17th, in the year 1961, less than seven months after independence, (on the 30th of June, 1960).
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In Nigeria, one of the most horrific deaths that brought the terror of political assassination to limelight in the country was the murder of renowned crusading journalist, and founding editor of the NewsWatch magazine, Dele Giwa. He was killed by a mail parcel bomb in his Lagos home on the 19th of October, 1986 (Newswatch,3). Before his murder, Giwa was accused by a senior official of the directorate of military intelligence of illegally importing and stockpiling arms and ammunition to be used in staging a socialist revolution in Nigeria. Following, the allegation, he was later told it was a mere allegation, which he later received a parcel from the then head of state General Ibrahim Babangida, he opened it, and the package exploded leading to his death (The Nation Newspaper 2011).
The Guardian Newspaper of 2nd August 2003 quoted Soyinka in a press conference in Lagos reiterating "I repeat indeed, insist that there is a nest of killers within the PDP...it is evident that the vibers in the nest do not strike only outwards, but inwards". Shehu submitted that: "Of course, the murder case of lge was muddled up and trial of suspects took several
twists and turns and severally, Judges stepped down from the case after realising the assassination was fueled by high Federal political set up" (Sani 54). Against the backdrop of these and many more, not to mention the well-known murder of MKO Abiola after the June 12th, election, and individuals and politicians across Africa that have been brutally murdered. Wole Soyinka in his first Intervention series laments thus:
We are a nation that kills our best. Generosity is a tainted word. The largeness of the heart is regarded as a medical condition, like an enlarged heart, requiring drastic intervention. Tolerance is ridiculed as a mark of weakness. And so, we kill the generous the large of heart, the tolerant. Even the symbols that should heal and bind the nation together are turned into agencies of death including those of faith, piety, and religion (Soyinka 6).
Soyinka's submission tells us that we have a history as a nation of seeing individuals cum politicians as threats to the status quo of authorities that must be eliminated at all costs or victimized instead of glorified. However, according to Offiong et al, "on a heartbreaking note, the democratic system of a society like Nigeria has been crippled and afflicted by sociopolitical malaise and political assassinations"(16). They went further to say "No country in the world can thrive in an atmosphere that is riddled with tension, apprehension, brutality, serial or targeted killings and assassinations. Nigeria, a nation that is yet to attain the status of a developed state can neither survive nor grow in such a brutality-ridden environment" (Offiong et al 16).
Describing the phantasy of a typical Nigerian politician that can lead him into doing everything and anything to hold a firm grip on power, the Nigerian dramatist, Ahmed Yerima in his play titled “The Angel, stated, in Nigeria, “Politics is one big game… a gamble… a serious game… the desire to have… to possess, the beauty of the office, the smell of the leather seats. The fast black fleet of siren cars, the fat-bottomed women, the greed, and the insatiable lust… the sweet smell of the crispy banknotes… all mingled (29). When a Nigerian politician thinks of all the aesthetics and ambiance of his office and the need to retain the same perpetually, he sees the need to crush any weapon fashioned against his ambition.
Describing the phantasy of a typical Nigerian politician that can lead him into doing everything and anything to hold a firm grip on power, the Nigerian dramatist, Ahmed Yerima in his play titled “The Angel, stated, in Nigeria, “Politics is one big game… a gamble… a serious game… the desire to have… to possess, the beauty of the office, the smell of the leather seats. The fast black fleet of siren cars, the fat-bottomed women, the greed, and the insatiable lust… the sweet smell of the crispy banknotes… all mingled (29). When a Nigerian politician thinks of all the aesthetics and ambiance of his office and the need to retain the same perpetually, he sees the need to crush any weapon fashioned against his ambition.
Nigerian politics violence, and or assassinations are like Siamese twins—glued to each other, and connected at the chest, abdomen, and pelvis. To support this position, Ahmed Yerima again in The Angel, posited “Violence from politics. Can one separate it? No. It is like separating rigging from elections. Life from death. A man from a woman. Unless of course, there is an attempt at a reversal of morality. It is the brother to politics... I say can one separate it? Hum? (29).
There is a dire need for morality to be brought back from the abyss of perversion where what is right and good has been made wrong and bad, and vice versa. The circle of political assassinations in the country is not a strange development. The list of (unresolved) politically motivated killings has now swelled and is non-exhaustive. Nowadays, it is safe to say the country Nigeria has witnessed the birth of modern Nigerian Macbeths who are perfectly succeeding Shakespeare’s Macbeth in the execution of untamed human ambition and quest for power control.
Interestingly, like most over-ambitious wives of over-ambitious Nigerian politicians, lady Macbeth’s ambition and thirst for queenship stubbornly outweigh her desire to see Macbeth become King. Hosting King Duncan, Lady Macbeth goaded Macbeth to kill the King so Macbeth could be king.
As it is in Nigeria, Macbeth and Lady Macbeth succeed in launching a killing spray to ascend the throne. But because the victory of evil is temporal, Macbeth and Lady Macbeth could not enjoy peace and quietness, with their proceeds of assassinations and murder. In Nigeria, we have had politicians who buried morality, massacred civility, and embraced impunity, evil, and conspiracy to ascend to different political seats, just to end up not living long enough to enjoy their poisoned chalice. Their post-traumatic stress disorder creeps in with hallucinations, violent flashbacks, and nightmares that end beautifully terrible.
To lure his perceived enemies into grave traps, Macbeth organizes elaborate and flamboyant political carnivals. This is a trick akin to the typical Nigerian politicians who plan banquets, dinners, and last suppers for their enemies with minced chicken, Italian wines, Chinese Cuisines, sumptuous meals, and imported beverages; just to fatten their opponents for slaughter.
Opening the play with the appearance of the three witches, chanting and addressing Macbeth in glowing, elitist, embellished terms “All hail Macbeth! Hail to Thee, Thane of Cawdor!” a title which even Macbeth was unaware he had been awarded, is truly admittedly strange. The presence of the witches and their flowery renditions can be interpreted in the Nigerian context in two folds: first, as the eulogies of political court jesters, all praising and singing hypocrites and yes men who often surround Nigerian politicians, cheering them into doom; professing and massaging the ego of the political nitwits,
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assuring them they will serve two terms in office and even get elevated to higher positions, whether the masses like it or not. Secondly, the witches can be viewed as unceremoniously corrupt and self-serving acclaimed religious prophets, who give politicians high hopes saying God has destined even clueless characters and village clowns for topmost leadership positions in the country. These high hopes by prophets of Baal is one of the many reasons Nigerian politicians approach political contests as a do-or-die affair; believing that their prophets already prophesied that they would occupy such positions of leadership.
In fact, according to… “Another school of thought thinks that the witches’ pronouncement of Macbeth as Thane of Cawdor was an imposition on the Cawdorians and a threat to their sovereignty as a nation. Again, the witches’ prophetic project had also relegated the people’s franchise to choose their king, the king whose heroism was not only popular on the war fields, but also with the leadership qualities that would put smiles on the faces of many. This is branded imposition.
In an unwrapped view of an ideal world, imposition could be defined as the type of government where the most powerful in the society use their resources to forcefully place someone in an authority against the wish of the masses, to use it as a conduit for siphoning or looting the treasury for their selfish interests and personal aggrandizements. Or simply, it is government by the incumbent, of the incumbent, and for the incumbent.”
For this school of thought, it is believed that if the three witches in Macbeth, sought the consent of the people of Cawdor before proclaiming Macbeth their king, their collective prayers and wishes would probably have brought a way out, for Macbeth, to ascend the throne bloodlessly. In Nigeria, the doctrine of imposition has been engraved in and adopted as the potent means of assuming power. Since the country returned to democracy in 1999, at the presidency, no president in Nigeria has ever been democratically elected by the people, for the people, and of the people. Instead, the country has been having presidents anointed by cabals and power brokers. At the National Assembly, Governorship, even at the local government level, the whole business has been that of imposition by a few power brokers who constitute themselves as Cabals, a 21st-century concept of dark fraternity.
Nigerian cabals, unlike the Shakespearean witches, are inordinately bent on committing all levels of atrocities to ensure that somebody who would shield them and act according to their instructions, is imposed on the people, but the witches only announced their prophecies and left Macbeth to his conscience for eventual determination and actions. Macbeth battles with his conscience, lady Macbeth, and his thirst for power.
Conclusion
In conclusion, indeed, on all fronts and shades of textual, metaphorical, contextual, and conceptual analysis of Shakespeare’s Classic tragedy, Macbeth, Nigeria flashes through all the play’s acts and pages; justifying this paper’s depiction of Nigerian politicians being 21st century Shakespeare’s Macbeths. The assassinations in the play and the untamed quest for power depict Nigerian politics in which political assassinations have eaten deep into its fabric and polity. Politically motivated killings in Nigeria have been in existence since pre-independent days. The inter and intra-political violence, war, and intrigues do the country no good at all, rather help to cripple the nation's democracy, politics, economy, and peace. Worthy of note is the fact that it becomes extremely difficult for a country riddled with brutality, hostility, tension, oppression, apprehension, wanton termination of lives/properties, and/or targeted assassination to thrive economically, socially, politically, and otherwise.
Therefore, to even re-echo Soyinka's exploration in the face of Nigeria fast transmuting into a battlefield of political killings: The killers among us must pause and reflect. The route to the mind is not the path of bullets nor the path of the blade, but the invisible, yet palpable paths of discourse that may be arduous but ultimately guarantee the enlargement of our private and social beings. Let the killings stop and the intercourse of minds begin. Let these killers understand that we do not simply lament this death, we are resolved to extinguish the impulse that lies behind it. We are bound in a common cause to terminate the impulse that takes our best, our brightest (Interventions I 11).
The ill wind of political violence blows no one any good as both the perpetrators and victims all get to feel and bear its devastating brunt someway, somehow, and sometimes. Violence, in the form of assassination and any other, is not a normal element in politics and, therefore, must not be taken for granted. Sadly, the habit of youth formation as thugs and militia of political parties and politicians through the growing trend of violence in the political sphere to attain selfish goals has left quite several youths socialized as extremists and fierce in society in the face of even the slightest less sinister provocations.
The inability of the security and law enforcement agencies to unravel and resolve political killings is also a threat to the democracy and political climate of the country. The absence of judicial repercussion to serve as a deterrent to others and to thwart any recidivists' tendencies has given rise to the habit of impunity about politically motivated assassinations. This has been the bane for most playwrights. Many playwrights have taken time to address these issues either directly or indirectly. The country must put an end to 21st-century Macbeths in Nigeria.
References:
Florman, Ben. "Macbeth Plot Summary." LitCharts. LitCharts LLC, 22 Jul 2013. Web. 11 Dec 2024.
Florman, Ben. "Macbeth: A Shakespeare Translation. “ LitCharts. LitCharts LLC, 11 May 2014. Web. 11 Dec 2024.
Embu and Igomu. The Politics of Assassination in Democratic Nigerian Society: An
Appraisal of Ahmed Yerima's Play, The Angel. Department of Theatre & Film
Arts, University of Jos, Nigeria. Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 4(10):
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876-886, 2016 http://www.hrpub.org
Soyinka, Wole. Interventions I. Ibadan: Bookcraft Ltd., 2010. Print.
Kramsch, C. & Kramsch, O. (2002). The avatars of Literature in language study. The Modern Language Journal 84(1),553-573.
Metzger, M. J. (2002). The Villainy you teach me…” Shakespeare and AP English Literature. English Journal, 92(1),22-28.
O’Hanlon, J. (2008). Shakespeare’s labour must not be lost in schools. Retrieved 9th September, 2024 from: https://www.guardian.co.uk.
The Abuja Communicator
A journal of culture and media arts
ISSN 1596-7263
Department of Theatre Arts, University of Abuja
Volume 4 No. 2 (2024) Pages 127 – 139
Nigeria, a hawks-public: Diran Ademiju-Bepo’s No More the Taming Hawks
Cyprian Jan DAYOP
University of Jos
Abstract
This paper analyses Diran Ademiju-Bepo’s No More the Taming Hawks. This play metaphorically critiques Nigeria’s political leadership as a “Hawks-Public,” characterised by predatory governance and systemic corruption. Through vivid metaphors such as “Hawks-Cellency” and “Supreme-Hawks-in-Council,” the play portrays a leadership class prioritising self-interest and exploitation over people-centric governance. Employing prioritising qualitative methodology, the study dissects the symbolic and narrative elements of the play, revealing the parallels between its fictional Hawks and the realities of Nigeria's political elite. Drawing from the Realist Theory of Conflict and Reader-Response Theory, this research interprets the cyclical nature of leadership failures and broken promises, framing Nigeria as a nation ruled by Hawks who thrive on chaos and power struggles. The paper further examines the play’s thematic critique of dictatorial tendencies, coup-driven power shifts, and the erosion of traditional values. By exploring the symbolic clash between Hawks and Doves, the study highlights the need for unity and collective action among Nigeria’s “Doves”—the peaceful and virtuous citizens—to restore the ideals of democracy. The findings underscore the play’s success as a satirical mirror of Nigeria’s political absurdities, challenging the audience to confront societal flaws and advocate for transformative leadership. Ultimately, the paper posits that No More the Taming Hawks serves as an artistic and political call to action, urging Nigerians to transcend divisive self-interest and forge a unified front for national renewal.
Keywords: Political Satire, Nigerian Leadership Critique, Realist Conflict Theory, Drama and Governance Analysis
Introduction
The Abuja Communicator, Vol. 4 No. 2 (2024) 128
The dramatist uses his work to make commentary on issues surrounding him. Through his work, the dramatist can advocate and persuade others to take actionable steps towards bettering their societies. The dramatist can do this successfully through his works because he is “a member of society, so naturally, his artistic sensibilities are shaped and sharpened by the socio-economic contradictions and political happenings of his time” (Dandaura, 2002,p. 179). The dramatist sometimes uses satire to make caustic statements about society. This is because satirical works aim at “hurting us so that we can amend.” (Bamidele, 2001, p. 40) The aim of adopting satire in his work is often so that the dramatist can prick the consciences of his readers/audience. Bamidele (2001, p. 40) states, “Even when we laugh, we see through the glen and reflect on our inadequacies.” Like other dramatists, Diran Ademiju uses his play No More the Taming Hawks to make a vital commentary depicting the “Achille’s Heel” of the Nigerian political space. A political space that is only a vicious cycle of failed and aborted promises by failed republics masquerading as change catalysts. The play accurately lampoons the Nigerian leadership and governance system, describing its actors as preying Hawks with a high thirst for corruption. This paper aims to analyse the Nigerian political system that is turning the country into a ‘Hawsk-Public’, not worthy of a republic. Diran depicts a timely and thought-provoking picture of a republic adrift in tumultuous oceans.
As a post-Osofisan generation playwright, ‘Diran Ademiju-Bepo, in his play No More the Taming Hawks, sparks a revolution against the series of failed Republics thrown up by the political system in our country, Nigeria. Using the African total theatre tradition of ritual and storytelling narratives, he passionately conveys his message(s) to the nation. He painted the metaphor of Flights on the canvas to depict Nigeria; in doing this, he believes that we had a Take-Off moment in history as a nation. This is likened to the military take-over of power, especially the January 15, 1966 coup led by Major Kaduna Nzeogwu, to redeem the nation's image since the country had been run aground for him and his team. To wake up and discover that the military intervention was only but a worse narrative. In describing the spine of incidents in the play, the playwright whets the reader’s appetite thus, on the blurb of the attractive 79-page book, divided into ten parts: the take-off and the flights that follow. This paper adds to various political commentaries on Nigeria’s failed leadership system. It pricks the consciences of the ruling elite to repent from Hawks syndrome and the Nigerians with patriotic spirit to emulate the unity of the doves in the play.
Literature Review
This study adopts dual theories of play analysis. It employs the theory of Realist Conflict and the Reader-Response theory, which originated from hermeneutics. According to Olu (2012), “theory is a set of ideals of varying status and origin which may interpret or explain some phenomena”. The realist theory of conflict shares both theological and biological doctrines and traces the roots of disputes to an apparent weakness and flaw in human nature. A human nature seen as selfish and desperate to pursue individualised interests is defined as power. In the words of Kegley and Wittkopt (1981), “ …politics is essentially and unchangeably a struggle among self- interested states for power and position under anarchy, with each competing state pursuing its national interests. By implication, thus, it is a struggle among individuals (politicians) for power and position of authority. The founding father of the realist theory of conflict is the Greek historian Thucydides, who wrote the seminal account of the war between Athens and Sparta. The core and crux of this theory is that people are naturally narrowly selfish and ethically flawed. People would exude insatiable lust for power and strive to gratify against all odds, including staging coups and giving false and unrealistic promises (Olu, 2012, p. 87).
Cyprian Jan DAYOP 129
This theory is suitable for this study after considering the insatiable lust for power by politicians or failed republics at the detriment of others, as it almost always results in failed, unrealistic and aborted promises. Often, they climb the dizzy heights of political power for selfish gains, as demonstrated by the hawks in Diran’s No More the Taming Hawks. The realist theory of conflict is used to weave and analyse the central conflict in the play introduced by the playwright as a result of the struggle for political power amongst the characters in the play. We will be seeing this in detail in the play analysis. On the other hand, the Reader-Response theory is adopted to accommodate the researcher’s response to the text No More the Taming Hawks by Diran Ademiju-Bepo as a direct mirror of the society and the researcher’s invention of the term “Hawks- Public” inferred from behaviours of the hawks in the play and the interpretation of the country Nigeria as a “Hawks-Public”, not worthy of a republic. Reader response theory, or reception theory, emerged as a reaction against the New Critical insistence that all meaning was contained entirely within the text without regard for external factors. “Reader-response theorists argue that reading, making meaning, is an active process, not a passive one; readers engage with texts and form interpretations based on subjective experiences and what the text says. Some branches of reader-response theory examine individual reader’s responses, often from a psychological or psychoanalytic perspective; others look for the social parameters within which interpretation takes place, arguing that “interpretive communities” establish particular reading modes. Theorists associated with reader-response theory include Wolfgang Iser, Stanley Fish, E. D. Hirsch, and David Bleich” (Awuawuer, 2020, p. 32). The relationship between reader-response theory and the play understudy is critically analysed in the analysis of the play.
Biodun Jeyifo (1985), commenting on the critical cardinal aim of drama, posited thus: “… drama deals at a highly concentrated … intense level with the contradictions of social existence. A dramatic piece which does not, in one form or another, deploy as its organising structural criteria a physical or emotional conflict, a moral or spiritual contest of wills, or a confrontation between contending principles is almost inconceivable. Equally important is the fact that drama does not merely subsume conflict merely as its organising structural motif; beyond this, drama also axiomatically attempts a resolution of sorts, a provisional synthesis in the conflicting pulls within its constitutive action …” Lending his voice on the role and function of literature, Ngugi (1981, p.5-6) stated “Literature results from conscious acts of men in society. At the level of the individual artist, the very act of writing implies a social relationship: one is writing about somebody for somebody. At the collective level, literature, as a product of men’s intellectual and imaginative activity, embodies in words and images the tension, conflicts, contrast, and contradictions at the heart of a community’s being and process of becoming. It reflects on the aesthetic and imaginative planes of a community’s wrestling with its total environment to produce the basic means of life ….” As Wilson (1988, p. 48) stated, “Art may question society's view or reaffirm them, but it cannot escape them”. Drama is an art, and as such, it mirrors or reflects life. It does not try to encompass the whole of life at one time. Instead, it selects and focuses on a specific part of the total picture. Throughout history, drama has concentrated or focused on one subject: human beings. To confirm
Barranger (1995, p. 3) states, “Drama is a way of seeing men and women in action, of
observing what they do and why they do it… because human beings are both drama's
subject and its means of expression, drama is one of the most immediate ways of
experiencing another concept of life: of what it means to be human.”
Throughout history, some playwrights have written primarily to entertain their audience,
and others have written with a serious purpose: to call attention to injustice, make a
statement against war, and raise moral or philosophical questions. To corroborate this,
Barranger (1995, p. 3) writes, "Some playwrights write to expose truths about realities
of social injustice, some write to make political statements about people, economies
and political system. Playwright Wright a play to express some aspect of reality,
emotions, and feelings connected with all of humanity, some measure of experience,
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vision, or conviction about the world.” This is evident in many works of art, such as No More the Taming Hawks, where the playwright exposes Nigeria’s sad political realities using the metaphor of the Hawks and Doves.
Kobina Sekyi in Ghana, Soyinka and Clark in Nigeria exemplify these trends on the West Coast of Africa. Disillusionment, political power tussles, alienation, and betrayal were the essential outcomes of independence-generated plays exploring anti-neo- colonialist, anti-neo-imperialist issues all over Africa. Blacks have struggled to create a dramatic culture to “articulate problems, ideas, beliefs, experiences, in propounding paths of change and illuminating the most profound aspects of the human being (Obafemi, 2012, pp. 29-30). In this same vein, the plays The Angel by Ahmed Yerima, Obanla, The Travails of our Heroes by Abiodun Macaulay and many others expose the truth about the realities of social imbalances. These imbalances include corruption, political assassination, abuse of power, godfatherism, coup and lust for power, which No More the Taming Hawks strongly detest in the actions of hawks in the play, especially in the character of Ajagunla's Hawkscellence. These imbalances have destroyed the fabric and essence of our nationhood and eroded confidence and trust between the Nigerian politicians and the masses they claim to lead. And to arrest these menaces, drama stands tall. The role of art in addressing political issues dates back to the very origin of art itself. For instance, according to (Augusto Boal 1979, p.1), “Those who try to separate theatre from politics try to lead us into error- and this is a political attitude… The argument about the relationship between theatre and politics is as old as theatre and as politics”. Boal believes this is because theatre is politics, and politics is theatre. Political theatre/drama is a term that has been used to refer to three different phenomena: theatre, in this case, a drama that comments on political issues; political action or protest that has a dramatic quality to it; and any action by politicians that is intended to make a point rather than accomplish something substantive. In the history of drama, therefore, there is a long tradition of performances addressing topical issues, especially those germane to the society itself.
This encourages consciousness and social change. The political satire performed by the comic poets at the theatre greatly influenced public opinion in the Athenian democracy. Those earlier Western dramas, arising out of the politics or democratic city -state of Greek society, had a ritualistic and social significance that enhanced the relevance of the political issues being examined by drama. Drama challenges an audience member's beliefs and encourages them to assess their moral values critically. Indeed, the essential functional independence of drama and politics can be illustrated by specific Indigenous performances that have remained unchanged for many years under various political parties, systems, and orders. Although government and politics may be helpful to man as a social animal, they are partially inevitable or always necessary. Drama is political if it concerns the state or takes sides in politics. According to Kirby (1979, p. 9), “It is an art that is intentionally concerned with government that is intentionally engaged in or consciously takes sides in politics”. Drama is an intellectual drama as it deals with political ideas and concepts, usually in an attempt to attack or support a particular political position. Political commentary in the form of drama often explicitly points out the institutions and aspects of government that should change; it usually describes and supports the exact nature of these changes.
John McGrath observed, as documented by Kritzer (2008, p.121) in his essay, “There is no such thing as a depoliticised world”, “While drama is not the only art with political dimensions, it offers a unique forum for the political by involving audiences in a perceptible if not fleeting, social reality through the operation of its conventions. Evidence of the close and perhaps intrinsic relationship between politics and drama can be found in the long history of governmental regulation of drama in degrees and forms that have not been applied to music, visual art, or written fiction. Drama's most basic political potential lies in its paradigmatic relationship to the polis: within theatre's space, assembled citizens view and consider representations of their world enacted
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for them in the immediacy of live performance.” Additionally, Nadine Gordimer (2013, pp. 115, 121) has described fiction’s relationship with works and those of other writers served legitimately the politics they believe in, it is “because the imaginative transformations of fiction … help people understand their natures and know that they are not powerless.” In the course of interpreting Roberto Bolano’s novel, 2666, Paul Martins (2016, p. 87) summarises the function of a political commentary as a response to texts that “thematically represent ethical and political issues” that “intersect with the interests of the academy (the critics, literary scholars, or the entire enlightened community)”
Schechner (1993 quoted in Kritzer (2008, p. 121) said, “Art’s subject, structure, and action is a social process”. Michael Kustow (1987) cited in Kritzer, 2008, xv) similarly describes theatre as both “an art and … a model of living together”. Writing of political processes, the philosopher Hannah Arendt (1965), quoted in Kritzer (2008, p.25), argues that “a necessary constituent of political freedom is a space in which freedom can be exercised- “a place where people could come together”. Political artists embrace the opportunity to lend their voices and call attention to social and political problems. They embody talent, optimism, and a sense of admirable personal responsibility. Therefore, drama and politics are inseparable. It is also germane to state that art, drama in particular, and democracy have a twin existence. Politics and drama derive from the same source: people and the community, playing roles and finding expressions and solutions to life-threatening issues. In this regard, we must always take more than a cursory and superficial view of Shakespeare's characterisation of the world as a stage.” On this same stage, Diran, in No More the Taming Hawks, engages the audiences and readers, tackling the political issues in the country via the symbolic choice of Hawks and Doves.
In the Nigerian situation, politics and issues of a “fundamentally political nature', as democracy, as Amuta (1989, p. 56) argues, “has always occupied a central position in African literature”. In the case of Nigeria, be it the Yoruba Travelling Theatre, the exotic arena of modern drama, Or even the participatory squares and circles of popular, community, and development drama demonstrate political sensibility and a robust engagement in politics. Incessant changes in government are expected under the pretence of falsehood and fake promises. From inception to date, political drama has been a viable form of drama, even the most practised today, as seen in many Nigerian dramatist plays. As stated earlier, drama interrogates many political misgivings in the society. One Nigerian play that addresses these issues is Obanla by Abiodun Macaulay. As it is seen in Obanla, a play about political tussles and assassinations in Nigeria, when Oba Fiwasaye is dethroned by his chiefs and replaced with Balogun Arobiojo, a warlord, their motive was clearly expressed in the opening scene. The chiefs and Arobiojo, with his soldiers, invaded the palace. It is a bloody coup. The palace soldiers were called, and King Fiwasaye and his wife were incarcerated. The chiefs advocated for removing Fiwasaye because he did not listen to them. He did not cooperate with them. This underscores the reality of the rotten underbellies of Nigeria’s political system, in which only crooks survive, and those who stand on the truth are often ousted brutally. This is also reflected in Diran’s No More the Taming Hawks, where the politics of enthronement and dethronement for selfish reasons via coups within the Hawks-in-Council reign supreme.
Arobiojoin Obanla was a warrior and a soldier whose ambition was to sit on the throne and rule his town perpetually. This is also found in the character of Ajagunla in No More the Taming Hawks, who enthrones himself forcefully to reign over the Royal Hawks with no intention to give way to any democratic process, a typical behaviour often exhibited by Nigerian dictators. Arobiojo, his wife, and the chiefs in Obanla and the Hawks-in-Council in Diran’s No More the Taming Hawk's reasons for wanting power differ from why Nigerian leaders eagerly crave power. Nigeria experienced her first coup in 1966, led by Colonel Kaduna Nzeogwu. It was a bloody coup that led to the assassination of many leaders like Oladoke Akintola, Ahmadu Bello, Tafawa
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Balewa and many others. The country experienced many coups after that, with each leading figure in the coup convincing Nigerians of his pure intentions and reasons for seizing power, to turn into monsters like Ajagunla in No More the Taming Hawks, which, after seizing power through a coup, transforms himself into His ‘Hawks- Cellency’. Nigeria is not alone in this coup experience, as similar occurrences are common in other African countries, such as Ghana, Burkina Faso, Liberia, Libya, Egypt, Ivory Coast, etc. Coups brought in Rawlings of Ghana, Samuel Doe of Liberia, and Gaddafi of Libya, to mention a few (Obafemi 2012, p. 86). And recently, Africa has witnessed the rebirth of military coups since August 2020 in Niger, Burkina-Faso, Mali, Guinea, etc, all with the promises of good fortunes. Indeed, the reverse is often the case after taking overpower, just as experienced in No More the Taming Hawks.
Dramatists such as Femi Osofisan have also questioned dubious politics in his plays, such as Who is Afraid of Solarin, a battle of political titans, then the plights of the rich and the poor in Morountodun. Tor Iorapuu's April 1421 is also a condemnation of sit- tight leadership in Africa and Nigeria, specifically as attempted by Olusegun Obasanjo in 2007, also condemning electoral malpractices, election rigging, maiming, and assassinations of political opponents in the quest for power. Therefore, over the years, drama has been concerned about society's politics and its negative and positive impact on the citizens. Ahmed Yerima has also lampooned the Nigerian political leadership in many of his plays, addressing serious and worrisome sociopolitical issues in Nigerian society. Julius Adeoye (2013, p. 7) states, “Most of Ahmed Yerima's plays can be discussed as socio-political realities because their thematic preoccupations are current societal issues. Even when the play is not overtly speaking the language of politics, it is covertly aligning itself with the struggle of the generality of the people. For Adeoye, “Yerima discusses actual events, people, professions, and politics in Kaffir's Last Game. Ubong Nda (2016 p. 17) stated that Yerima's Kaffir's Last Game “is an artistic exercise in political note-sharing between two African nations. Because man by nature is a political animal, politics largely dominates arts discussions and themes the world over, and No More the Taming Hawks is not an exception, as the play is woven together by episodes of political conflicts between the ‘Royal Doves’ and ‘Hawsk-in-Council’.
Another politically relevant play of Yerima is The Sisters, described by the playwright as “about battle with bitter truth and painful reality”, which reveals the vanity and deceit characterising the lives of the high and mighty in society. The play also stresses the vagaries of political power and social status. The fact that the play deals with the life and sudden death of a president of an African nation is, in itself, political. The president has ruled for twenty years and is preparing for another term of five years. This is after he has served four continuous terms of five years each in office. The play can be seen as an allegorical statement on the life of General Sani Abacha, Nigeria's late head of state. Similarly to The Sisters by Yerima, No More the Taming Hawks presents the greed of seat-tight syndrome in Nigeria in the character of Hawks-in-Chief. Though, in reality, Abacha ruled for five years (August 1993-June 10, 1998) as a military head of state, he was preparing to transform himself into a civilian president before his untimely death. The Sisters, which discusses the sudden death of a serving Nigerian president, presents a “tortuous movement of shocking revelations” about the lives of the characters. The play reveals a shocking reality that the sisters are afraid to face. No doubt, dramatists worldwide are concerned with the socio-political intrigues underpinning their societies. “The belief of New Critics that “literature is metaphorical and symbolical” (Frank J. D’Angelo, 1978, p. 32) is hardly contestable. The dramatist often finds himself using tropes as part of his/her creative tools, which, in fact, according to D’Angelo (1978, p. 34), “represent the power of the imagination in its effort to grasp the world figuratively”. “Political power therefore, its misuse, covetousness and the fierce tussle for it are the recurring motifs underlying dramatic actions” In contemporary plays such as Johnson’s The Fight Has Just Begun, Okafor’s The Lion and the Iroko, Idegu’s Beloved Odolu Kingdom etc., politics takes centre stage.
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Drama focuses on the affairs of men as they interact with their fellow men and their societies. According to (Awuawuer, 2020, p. 33), “authenticates why Ola Rotimi, as a dramatist, was committed and concerned with issues of survival of the society. These can be seen in all his dramatic creations, beginning from his classic, The Gods are Not to Blame (1971) through Hopes of the Living Dead (1988) to If a Tragedy of the Ruled (1983) and Holding Talks (1979). Indeed, Nigerian theatre artists see themselves as waging a war on behalf of society. They see themselves as performing a function of social responsibility towards their fellow citizens.” Diran, in his No More the Taming Hawks, has joined the troop of social and political crusaders in the country. No More the Taming Hawks, like other Nigerian political dramas, hold facts, opinions, and strategies on the state of political leadership in Nigeria. This social and political crusade of the dramatist is rooted in the spirit of love, harmony and collective will as the dramatist believes no cock, no hen, no goat, no keg of palm oil is demanded…for sacrifice… (for the joy, peace, and stability of the world) but love (p. 16). The text is optimistic despite years and seasons of gory tales through the cultural and socio- political history of the country. The play text fights against hatred, anger, terrorism, nepotism, sectionalism, godfatherism, violence, and self-centred politics, among other vices that retards national development.
Analysis and Discussion
Engaging in Diran’s No More the Taming Hawks critically, one can sense the chaos and uncertainty in the land. A sense of hopelessness darkens the crest of a new dawn in search of hope and the quest for power preoccupying mortal beings' minds. With a thought-proving silent question of where lies the solution? The playwright’s symbolic representation of the characters as ‘Hawks’ and ‘Royal Doves’ is apt and commendable. Hawks are, by nature, fierce and top predators in the animal kingdom who prey on their targets. A deeper probe of this symbolic representation sees hawks in their usual chaotic character, as a perfect representation of Nigeria’s detractors and usurpers whose bellies are filled with disorder, conflict and violence, and constantly preying on those they seek to lead, while the ‘Royal Doves’ representing the few good men and women in the country that seek nothing but peace as it is typical in the God- given character of doves, as symbols of peace, love, and hope. Considering the hawks' grip on the doves in the play, one will not be out of place to deduce that Nigeria is better described as a ‘Hawsk-Public ’ (Republic of Hawks), practising a government of the Hawks by the Hawks and for the Hawks. As a global parable relevant for us as a nation, the playwright pricks our consciences and thinking faculties never to forget in a hurry. The litanies of empty, vague, broken, unfulfilled, and rotten promises we have been made by a series of usurpers masquerading as leaders continue to live in our memories. The actions and inactions of the characters mirror the rotten political episodes in our country, Nigeria.
As a symbolic colony populated by doves (the peaceful) and hawks (the chaotic) who have co-habited for seasons, conflict sets in, disrupting the peaceful atmosphere immediately after the death of the king dove. The dead of the king dove throws open the race for the throne. Especially among the heirs, Tomide, Maderin and Rohunfade (the heiress and their only sister), to wear the beaded crown of their father for an interim period. The colony at first echoes with joy, having escaped the wrath of the gods. However, as Rohunfade is about to sit on the throne, a predator fowl flies into the midst of the celebration, causing commotion and scattering the doves and the entire colony, perching on the throne, to the amazement of all. The intrusion by the hawk birthed a burning conflict that would later become the reason for the chaos in the play. The realist theory of conflict becomes the researcher's suitable theory for critically analysing the conflict set in by the intruding hawk.
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When the hawk intrudes, to their surprise, they declare that the hawk is a bushfowl that should not have any reason to be among the domestic fowl. Interestingly, not only does the hawk intrude on the gathering of the domestic fowl, but it also breathes fire and invites intense conflict by suspending customs and traditions. It disbands the Council of Elders, transforms himself into His Hawkcellency and Commander-in-Chief of the Hawks Forces, Ajagunla Asagbade and invites his friends to join him, making it a ‘Hawks-Public ’. After that, the colony knew there was no peace, but episodes of one conflict led to another. What brought the doves and hawks into a head-on collision is political power. And if two or more people want the same political power, conflict must set in. This perfectly applies the realist conflict theory to interrogate the nature of political conflicts between political animals. In this case, the political disputes between the Hawks themselves and between the Hawks and the Royal Doves should be interrogated. Using this theory, the researcher discovers a motif that unites all the hawks and doves in the play, which is ‘self-interest’. In pursuing this self-interest, the hawks fight the doves and even end up fighting themselves and staging coups against each other. For instance, Asarinle, a close friend of Ajagunla, also dethrones Ajagunla in a coup. And Asarinle, too, gets dethroned by another hawk, Adaboaye. The coups and counter-coups have one underlying reason: the quest for political power, resulting in conflict.
The twist in the drama unfolds when the intimate relationship between Wande/Asagbade and Rohunfade is revealed during an affair, a relationship which he wants to revive at all costs while still a usurper of her throne. The conflict heightens when Rohunfade challenges the intruding hawk to reclaim her legacy with His Hawkcellency, vowing to resist at all costs. Again, interestingly, a deeper probe into the series of conflicts in the play, with a critical interpretation of the symbolic representation of the dove and the hawks one finds the doves, led by the disbanded Council of Elders, the heirs, and Regent-designate; forgetting their intrigues and insincerity. Now strengthened by their unity of purpose, they constitute a severe opposition to the intruding Hawk. After seasons of promises and cancellations, eventually, His Hawkcellency fixes a date for a return of the people’s inheritance. However, the climax comes when, on the threshold of glory for the land, the chief hawk of the right hand, Asarinle, stages a ‘palace coup’, forcing him to surrender, only for him to also preside over another season of fake promises. The people’s dreams and hopes flee into oblivion as Rohunfade, the symbol of the struggle, joins the Hawks colony. With the Hawks having a firm grip and total control of the colony, including recruiting the likes of Rohunfade, who is seen as the symbol of genuine struggle, to join the Hawks, thereby throwing hope to the wind, the researcher stands on the shoulders of readers-response theory to declare the colony which is a reflection of Nigeria, a ‘Hawks-Public ’. Using the realist theory of conflict, the researcher understands the cause and effect of the conflict in the play, informed mainly by greed, selfishness, and the hunger for political power. Thus, this justifies the realist theory of conflict, which states that all humans are inherently selfish and always pursue selfish interests (s).
The play No More the Taming Hawks argues that the endless failed promises by Nigerian politicians have made the country suffer from political epilepsy and trust deficits, turning the country into a colony of bearing hawks who destroy people’s livelihoods and take life at will, which again, aptly justifies the researcher’s interpretation of the republic as a ‘Hawks-Public’. The reader-response theory gives the researcher the latitude to interpret the characters' behaviours vis-à- vis the behaviours of Nigerian politicians and qualify the country as truly a ‘Hawks-Public ’. The brutal invasion of the bush hawk, known as His Hawkcellency, its disorderliness and blatant disregard for the norms, custom, and tradition of the Royal-Doves, discarding them and transforming himself into an untouchable and unquestionable Hawkcellency, is a stark reality and a perfect description of the typical Nigerian dictatorial characters who rudely snatch elections or rig themselves into leadership positions. Another reality of the Nigerian political system displayed by the hawks is the
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disrespect for the rule of law, dispersing all the doves (good men and women), then transforming themselves into the mightiest and the untouchables in society. But, since their whims and caprices are often what reigns just as the whims and caprices of his Hawkscellency reign supreme with such impunity in the play, the republic, therefore, is once again interpreted against the backdrop of readers-response theory as a ‘Hawks- Public ’.
Also significant is the staging of the coup by Asarinle against his trusted friend, His Hawkscellency Ajagunla Asagbade, making him abscond from the throne and Asarinle presiding over the Hawks-Public to perfect another season of failed promises. It is typical of a Nigerian dictator/politician to betray his close ally with the deceptive assurance to bring change and or hope, then get into the office to execute and display the same thing his predecessor was doing, sometimes even worse than the predecessor. A system of hawks ousting hawks – ‘Hawks- Public ’. The Hawks’ continuous taming of the doves depicts Nigeria, where the worst amongst us continue to tame the doves, the good men and women in society. In the play, three moons later, another Hawk, Adabaoye, rides in on the crest of the chaos and bungled dreams. Is he a hybrid as Surroa Gate? Will the Hawks continue to tame the Doves when the latter are supposed to tame the former? The question in the audience's minds is how will the stolen heirloom be retrieved… and fortified against future hijacks. As long as it is not jealously guarded and fortified against future hijacks by hawks, the republic will continue as a Hawks-Public, which will be the continuous justification of the researcher ’s interpretation.
One can see the playwright’s creative prowess in dramatising the existing relationship between the ruler and the ruled, the rich and the poor, the strong and the weak. And the recognition and eventual enthronement of the people’s regent, the people’s choice. It is like the determination to make our vote count in Nigeria. This hope given by the playwright is needed to transform Nigeria from a ‘Hawks-Public ’ to a Republic. The play takes extra courage to save and serve the land in the face of oppressive and predatory forces, taming the civil forces and complex challenges of nationhood. Aside from failed promises by Nigerian predators, many burning issues of national concern are raised in the play: the constant clamour for restructuring, the threats of secession, farmers-herders clashes, high-profile looting on an industrial scale, terrorism and evil insurgency that threatens the peaceful coexistence of the nation etc. For the playwright, the fake promise of change and renewed hope by the government of the day is nothing even to mention, for there is never any change, nor is there any hope being renewed. Sadly, we are only faced daily with episodes of stack hopelessness. Through Awoyale, priest of the Oracle in the play, we read: “… It is only those in the world who are beating a new melody; a new rhythm, which you mistake for a shift… The regency will be until the contamination is purified.” (p.13). In the above lines, the playwright casts a strong shadow of doubt if there is any positive shift or improvement in the lives of the commoner.
Despite these static and tragic moments in the country, we seem to be a people who never learn from our history things today, repeat the same tomorrow and expect a new and better result. Lamenting, Lameto, the human rights activist in the play, says: “We are,e a cursed people, a forgotten race. Never knowing their rights, never learning, never being willing to learn from their past. Like a people without a conscience… (p. 23). Just like the symbolic reigns of the hawks in the play is a movie of failed promises, the playwright presents the present political dispensation in Nigeria as a sham upon promises made. Our major roads are now littered with children begging for daily living, people dying of hunger and starvation, etc. The playwright believes that we need the wisdom of the broom. Coincidentally, the deceptive symbol of the present 'All Progressives Congress, APC administration must be swept off the political stage as the next generation struggles for the coveted throne. The ancestral curse of electing our past afflictions into the dizzy heights of the highest seat in the land and expecting a Messianic miracle is a redundant way of thinking. OBANLA: … My people, the
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wisdom of the broom. That is what the Oracle was talking about. Let us sweep away all unwanted deposits the Hawks through Asagbade may have left in our land. TOMIDE: And even the hawks themselves must be swept off forever.
This, the playwright believes, must be done to avoid sit-tight-syndrome as the country has been Bedevilled with the numerous attempts by our political leaders to promise one term in office but, after testing the corridors of power, will want to remain on the throne forever, irrespective of their poor performances and rotten governance styles. Upon ascending power, they do promise not to stay ‘one day longer than necessary, but no sooner than later, those promises will be swept under the carpet, and fake, unconvincing reasons will be given for why they need a second chance to serve. Lamenting the rather unfortunate situation the nation finds itself in at present, the playwright puts to us the tragedy of how our innocent farmers are being butchered daily and their source of livelihood being destroyed. In Lameto’s words: “ … Our land has now been turned into a den, surrounded by arms-bearing hawks, who destroy people’s livelihood in the name offending for their animals. They take life with such impunity never known in our history, leaving a trail of carnage, destruction, death, poverty, division, and evil in its wake. And you still say you will… “(p. 59). This is not unconnected with the realities the nation is faced with these days: villages waking up to inhumane attacks claiming millions of lives and properties worth millions.
Yet the problem seems to have a sacred and royal backing that even cows have become senior citizens of the country and tagged ‘Untouchable” for the life of a cow is now worth the ransom of the destruction of an entire village. Lawlessness and violence reign supreme like a country of hawks where survival control is by the strongest and fiercest. The play also condemns the undeserved detention of individuals who clamour for restructuring and secession. Meanwhile, Diran Ademiju- Bepo proffers a solution that he believes will end all forms of taming by the leaders, like hawks in doves’ skin. The solution to him is a collective will and effort in the form of a revolution just as the doves, led by the elders and heirs, do away with their intrigues and differences and unite against the taming hawks. He calls on traders, farmers, market men and women, students, teachers, religious leaders, etc., to join hands in one accord and fight against all enemies of the state to salvage the nation from political hawks. To achieve this harmony, the playwright suffices that “no cock, no hen, no goat, no keg of palm oil is demanded…for sacrifice (for the joy, peace, and stability of the world) …but love” (p. 6). The play thus disbands hatred, anger, terrorism, nepotism, and insurgency, among other vices that negate national progress and rhetorically asserts, " How can we find harmony in the mouth of a fun?” (16). It also disbands regionalism, godfatherism and violence, which negates/destroys the cultural and socio-political structures in the country with the rise in self-centredness, tribalism, sectionalism and “democratic coup d’état” evident in election malpractices.
The playwright raises a few questions: is it plausible that the playwright believes, just like Asagbade, that our politicians, who have a phobia for truth and lust for power, will be willing to abdicate their seats no matter how poorly they govern? Aside from that fact, considering our political history, is it possible for a leader to abdicate by some conviction, as depicted by Asagbade, the antagonist in the play? Does the power transition between him and Asarinle not appear contrived, like the Greek Deu s ex machina, too rapid that one could hardly see the connection? A not-too-circumspect reader or spectator would wonder why Asarinle has to die before Rohunfade takes over power, and we are told the gods of the land intervene. It could be more commonsensical for a leader, too, i.e. for another to emerge. That may be the moral of this whole narrative. Unfortunately, moral lessons are expected in Nigeria; simple lessons are dismissed. Behaving like Hawks in No More the Taming Hawks, Nigeria, could best be described as Hawks-Public. A system of government where Hawks- Cellencies (The worst amongst us) reign supreme over The Doves (The best amongst us) instead of it being called a Republic where only philosophers, the purified, the
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good at hearts and the pure in intentions should co-habit, as posited in Plato’s The Republic.
Conclusion
In conclusion, ‘Diran Ademiju-Bepo has come to prove the classical critic, Longinus, wrong, who once gave the verdict of no more masterpieces here. No More the Taming Hawks is a masterpiece for all senses of judgement and adjudication, written on the model of the past, addressing the burning challenges of the present Nigerian society and its contemporary challenges. It pictures the nation in flight, offering us a solution to our unfortunate situation as a country. It is a timely and apt drama for the issues raised, and a must-read for this nation's patriotic sons and daughters, for the nation's rescue is in the hands of a long lineage of taming hawks. The ultimate moral of the play is that it takes extraordinary courage to serve a land such as Nigeria, where predatory, preying, and “vulture-RIC” forces tend to tame civil forces and voices of conscience.) As the playwright’s muse and predictions seek to win the day, Diran Ademiju-Bepo, in his evocative drama of power play and political control, No More the Taming Hawks, wears the emblem and crown of a nationalist, inspiring many and lots. In this critical analysis, the researcher answers whether the country is a republic or a Hawks-Public. The study resolves, based on the chaotic, fierce and disruptive nature of hawks as evident in the play, that the nation of Nigeria is a hawks-public that needs the unity of the doves, who are naturally peaceful and loving, to transform the country from a hawks-public to a republic.
Through adopting the realist conflict theory, this study has interrogated Diran’s choice of hawks and doves as characters in the play No More the Taming Hawks. The researcher finds this symbolic representation apt and a timely reminder of the character of an atypical Nigerian politician who is by nature disruptive, dictatorial and disorderly, as reflected in the actions and behaviours of the Hawks-in-Council, namely, Ajangula, Asarinle, and Adaoboye. As a worthy voice in the literary space, Diran has contributed to the political advocacy in Nigeria in his No More the Taming Hawks indeed, for Nigeria to experience meaningful development and take back its pride of place in the world as ‘The Giant of Africa’, the doves who represent the excellent men and women, must collectively be united in uprooting the hawks who have for long, being preying on the nation’s national patrimony.
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